{"id":3773,"date":"2014-08-26T15:27:25","date_gmt":"2014-08-26T14:27:25","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/?page_id=3773"},"modified":"2014-08-28T11:03:08","modified_gmt":"2014-08-28T10:03:08","slug":"volume-4-2009","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/fr\/publications\/travaux-du-cbl\/volume-4-2009\/","title":{"rendered":"Volume 4 (2009)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Eds: Vogeleer Svetlana, Brisard Frank, De Brabanter Philippe, Dendale Patrick, Le Bruyn Bert<\/p>\n

<\/div>
The distribution of IL and CE in French copular sentences: semantic and informational aspects<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>

Annemie Demol & Els Tobback<\/b>
This paper deals with the influence of information structure on the use of the French personal pronoun IL and the demonstrative pronoun CE in copular sentences. On the basis of a corpus study, it shows that IL is likely to mark topic continuity in the vast majority (88%) of the examples. The results for CE appear to be less clear-cut as CE is used in a wider variety of constellations (it can be used with or without concrete antecedent, it appears quite often in dislocated structures). However, overall, the different results converge and show that CE is often likely to function as a topic shift marker.<\/p>\n<\/div>

T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/span><\/div><\/div>
<\/div>
Expressions of epistemic contingency in the use of the English present progressive<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>

Astrid De Wit & Frank Brisard<\/b>
In this paper, we propose a unified account of the semantic polyfunctionality of the present progressive in English (involving temporal, aspectual, and modal usage types) in terms of epistemic contingency or non-necessity. More specifically, by means of a corpus-based study of spoken American English we show how the observed modal usage types can be derived, directly or indirectly, from this construction\u2019s most schematic meaning, which we argue is modal as well. This analysis is carried out within the framework of Cognitive Grammar (Langacker 1987, 1991), which provides both the conceptual analytical tools and the theoretical assumptions underlying the analysis.<\/p>\n<\/div>

T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/span><\/div><\/div>
<\/div>
Opposition aspectuelle en russe et en fran\u00e7ais<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>

Tatiana Milliaressi<\/b>
Verbal aspect is a universal category which manifests itself differently across languages. Its function is to express the delimitation of the duration of a situation in time by means of regular verbal forms. Telicity is not a property inherent in the delimited situation but one of the characteristics of the Russian perfective aspect. The choice of the perfective aspect is not determined by telicity but by the nature of the temporal delimitation of the situation. In French, telicity cannot be expressed by grammatical forms. That is why delimitation of the duration of a situation occurs in time. The nature of temporal delimitation of situations is different in Russian and in French.<\/p>\n<\/div>

T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/span><\/div><\/div>
<\/div>
Verkavelingsvlaams als de voertaal van de verburgerlijking van Vlaanderen<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>

Koen Plevoets<\/b>
Deze paper bestudeert de verspreiding van de zogenaamde Vlaamse tussentaal, ook nog het \u2018Verkavelingsvlaams\u2019 genoemd, vanuit sociale optiek. Meer bepaald worden van verschillende beroepsgroepen, opleidingsgraden en sekses de onderlinge lingu\u00efstische afstanden bepaald op basis van zevenendertig taalvariabelen en aan de hand van de profielgebaseerde uniformiteitsmetriek. Het corpus waarvan er voor de berekeningen gebruik gemaakt wordt is het Corpus Gesproken Nederlands. De analyses geven dan aan dat tussentaal het kenmerk is de meer gegoede lagen in de Vlaamse samenleving. De standaardtaal moge uit de resultaten nog blijken als een indicator voor de mate van opleiding, tussentaal komt naar voren als de \u2018hypocorrecte\u2019 vari\u00ebteit van de groepen die zich na de Tweede Wereldoorlog door de stijging van de welvaart en levensstandaard maatschappelijk hebben weten te emanciperen. Tussentaal laat zich zo lezen als de \u2018conspicuous leisure\u2019 van een gearriveerde bovenkaste, die een zodanig niveau van welstand heeft vergaard dat ze zich zorgeloos enige flexibiliteit ten opzichte van omgangscodes en \u2013normen kan permitteren zonder daarvoor aan status in te boeten. Tussentaal is dan ook niet zozeer het taaltje van hen \u2018die wel Standaardnederlands k\u00fannen maar het niet w\u00edllen spreken\u2019; het is vooral het distinctiemiddel van hen die het niet meer hoeven te spreken.<\/p>\n<\/div>

T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/span><\/div><\/div>
<\/div>
Semantic Shifts<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>

Guido Vanden Wyngaerd<\/b>
This paper examines different types of approaches to semantic shifts. Taking stative-dynamic shifts as a case in point, it is argued that they provide evidence for an approach to the phenomenon of semantic shift which is, at least in part, syntactic. At the same time, the approach defended leaves room for a degree of lexical vagueness. This is a second important contributing factor which needs to be taken into account in analyzing the phenomenon of semantic shifts.<\/p>\n<\/div>

T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/span><\/div><\/div>
<\/div>
Negatievermenigvuldiging in het West-Vlaams<\/div><\/div>
<\/div>

Willy Vandeweghe<\/b>
Sentence negation is expressed in modern standard Dutch with one single negation marker per sentence: Ik heb haar niet gezien [\u2018I didn\u2019t see her\u2019], Niemand is meer veilig [\u2018Nobody is safe anymore\u2019], Ik heb niets verklapt [\u2018I didn\u2019t tell anything\u2019]. Other vernaculars need more than one marker, expressing one single negation, as in French or South African: FR Je ne l\u2019ai pas vu [\u2018I didn\u2019t see him\u2019], S-Afr Je moe nie huil nie [\u2018You don\u2019t need to cry\u2019]. Middle Dutch also exhibited double negation marking: Ic en sie hem niet [\u2018I don\u2019t see him\u2019]. After going into the phenomenon of multiple negation and the so-called Jespersen cycle, this paper will deal with multiplication of NEG marking in Flemish dialects. In my native West-Flemish dialect (Wingene H119), multiplication with no less than seven markers is possible, especially when quantifier negation is brought into consideration.<\/p>\n<\/div>

T\u00e9l\u00e9charger<\/a><\/span><\/div><\/div>
<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Eds: Vogeleer Svetlana, Brisard Frank, De Brabanter Philippe, Dendale Patrick, Le Bruyn Bert<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":53,"featured_media":0,"parent":563,"menu_order":4,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-3773","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry","bnm-entry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/3773","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/53"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3773"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/3773\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7023,"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/3773\/revisions\/7023"}],"up":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/563"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.uclouvain.be\/bkl-cbl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3773"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}